DOI 10.1515/wpsr-2013-0010
World Political Science Review 2013; 9(1): 219–261
Sharon Haleva-Amir*
MKs Usage of Personal Internet Tools, 2009:
On the verge of a New Decade1)
Abstract: This paper examines internet use as a personal political device among
Members of the Knesset (hereafter: MKs). We will first describe the social and
political trends which promote Israeli and worldwide parliamentarians’ use of
personal internet platforms as a communication medium. Description of these
trends will be accompanied by examples from 17th-Knesset MKs’ websites. We
will also review the changes which took place in MKs’ use of personal internet
tools, in accordance with the identified developmental phases. Finally, we will
discuss the distinction between Internet use as a means of political communication during campaigns and Internet use as a platform for interaction with the
public while in office.
Keywords: e-Politics; Israel; online political activity; MKs; personal websites
1)
It should be noted that the original article was written in 2009 and therefore some of
its insights are no longer relevant; the Internet as well as politicians’ web usage keeps
progressing. On the other hand, most of the insights are more relevant than ever.
*Corresponding author: Sharon Haleva-Amir, School of Governance and Social Policy,
Beit Berl Academic College, HCLT Fellow, Faculty of Law, University of Haifa, Israel,
e-mail: sharoni.haleva.amir@gmail.com
1 Introduction
“Another miserably failed and costly project, which I initiated. I said to myself,
as soon as I started getting into the whole internet thing and I saw the extent of
the revolution […] I said, now we’ll create, I called it Knesset Boulevard. That is
to say, I created a few applications for everyone’s use and I said, every MK will
have an address and the public will be able to contact them. I even told those
who didn’t know [how to use it] that they’ll receive the questions and comments
just like regular mail, don’t worry about it. But I said, this is nice. Anyway, we
created these applications and from there it will get to their offices and some
will get printed and they’ll have someone to personally hand it to them, to those
that don’t know. Eventually, the entire project failed, why? – the MKs said no,
we have enough mail as it is, do you want us to get even more stuff we won’t
reply to. So they didn’t want it. I mean, true, technology can’t solve these issues
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of unwillingness to respond. But that was true for 1999. Today there are more and
more MKs that have [websites], and they do reply. Why? Because politics realized
[…] that this is an area in which politicians must get involved, so they pay the
price of having to launch [a website; SHA]. So in return that’s part of the progress.”1 With this sincere statement during the Sapir Conference for Internet and
Different Politics, Michael Eitan – considered by many to be “The Knesset’s Honorary Internet Consul” (Banner 2004) – shares his 1999 initiative for establishing
the “MK Website Boulevard,” a personal minisite platform hosted on the Knesset
website, and why it failed.
Beginning with the launch of the Knesset website in 1996 (another one of
MK Eitan’s initiatives), through the MK Website Boulevard (more on which later)
and up until 2009, by the end of the first decade of the third Millennium, plenty
has changed in the vast world of the Internet. Internet use as a primary vessel
for political and public communication is now commonplace. In January 2009,
a month prior to the general elections for the 18th Knesset, MKs from all over
the political spectrum were using various Internet platforms. These platforms
include blogs and personal websites, ready-made platforms such as Israblog2
and Blogger,3 designated political platforms such as Yalla kadima4 and Likudnik,5
blogs in daily newspaper sites like the Jerusalem Post,6 news sites such as Nana
10,7 social activist websites such as Black labor,8 microblogging services such as
Twitter9 and Snooz,10 social networks such as Facebook11 and TheMarker Café,12
and media sharing channels such as YouTube,13 Flickr14 and Picasa.15 Nevertheless, MKs use of personal Internet applications (personal websites and blogs)
1 Society’s Future in a World of Open Information: Internet and Different Politics (Sapir College:
19 May 2005), http://w3.sapir.ac.il/gap/; transcript, 131–132 http://w3.sapir.ac.il/gap/minutes.pdf.
2 http://israblog.nana10.co.il/ring_list.asp?ringcode=27303. (In Hebrew)
3 http://www.blogger.com/home.
4 http://www.yallakadima.co.il/candidates.asp. No longer available online.
5 http://www.likudnik.co.il/.
6 http://cgis.jpost.com/Blogs/. No longer available online
7 http://elections.nana10.co.il/.
8 http://www.blacklabor.org/.
9 https://twitter.com/.
10 http://www.tapuz.co.il/snooz/.
11 https://www.facebook.com/.
12 http://cafe.themarker.com/.
13 http://www.youtube.com/.
14 http://www.flickr.com/.
15 http://picasa.google.com/.
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throughout their term16 is still nonstandard, and only a quarter (31) of the 17th
Knesset’s MKs made use of these tools.
In this paper I will thoroughly examine MKs use of the Internet as a personal
political tool during the 21st century. I will begin reviewing the social and political trends which drive parliamentarians in Israel and worldwide to use personal
Internet platforms as a communications medium: (1) Anti-Politics; (2) Mitigation of the Party Status; (3) Internet as a political communication tool; (4) Direct
dialogue with the public; (4) Optimizing legislation and parliamentary work.
Descriptions of these trends will be accompanied by tangible examples taken off
of 17th-Knesset MKs’ websites. I will continue by reviewing the changes which
took place in MKs’ use of personal internet tools throughout the past decade,
discuss the distinction between internet use as a means of political communication during campaigns and Internet use as a platform for interaction with the
public while in office, and study these websites’ characteristics as well as Internet
platforms currently used by MKs in attempt to foresee future trends.
2 The Web as a Personal Political Platform – Why
and What For?
2.1 Anti-Politics
In the past few decades, Parliamentary democracies have been finding themselves under constant, increasing public pressure, due to the growing discontent
with the governing political system at large and with politicians in general. This
phenomenon, known as Anti-Politics, is actively expressed by the dwindling confidence shown towards decision makers, negative perception of politicians and
parties, constant decline in the percentage of voters, disinclination to take part
in the political process (substantial decline in party membership and decreased
presence in gatherings and parlor meetings), and unwillingness to run for political positions, due to the unfavorable public image such roles carry (Hermann
et al. 2008). In Israel, criticism of the democratic system is constantly increasing,
as does demand for change, due to continuing dissatisfaction with the political
system and politicians themselves (Herman et al. 2008).
16 I will elaborate on the distinction between electoral web campaigns and web use by incumbents below.
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Anti-Politics is a state of aversion towards politicians (Lewis et al. 2005: p. 3),
not necessarily for lack of interest or political indifference (depoliticization means
ignorance or retreat form the political sphere). Anti-Politics is overflowing with
negative opinions and stances towards politics, a result of citizens’ increased frustration and resentment towards the political echelon which is inattentive to the
public’s needs (Hermann et al. 2008). The widespread public sentiment in Israel
these days is general distrust of Israeli political institutions.17 Citizens complain
about corruption among politicians, about lacking and flawed decision-making
processes, about the lack of influence, and about decision makers’ inattentiveness and lack of consideration of public opinion (Arian et al. 2008).
In an attempt to improve their rapidly declining status, some MKs chose to
create websites, expressing their willingness to listen to and interact with the
public – even if only for appearance’s sake. In the opening remarks to his blog
(also known as “Bibi Blog”), launched December 2006,18 Benjamin Netanyahu
remarked: “I’m very glad to have the opportunity to interact with you directly
and without mediation through a web-journal (“blog”). Recently, more than ever
before, people have been coming up to me and expressing deep concern regarding the future. Many also offer their suggestions. The purpose of this blog is to
allow a continuous dialogue with you. Here I will present my stance and the plans
my colleagues and I plan to put into motion once we resume leadership. I will
try to write to you once a week. I’d be happy if you would express your opinions
and ideas in the comment section” (Somfalvi 2006); Effi Eitam also explained
the intentions behind his decision to establish a website in February 2007:19 “I
wanted to speak to the public. When I noticed the public’s distrust of politicians,
I decided to start a blog and use it to communicate with the electorate. A dialogue with the public is something that is very important to me. To be honest, it
took me a while to understand the Internet’s potential, because my generation is
17 In February 2008 a survey, concerning the perceived prestige of public institutions and public office functionaries in Israel, was conducted by The Citizens’ Empowerment Center in Israel
(CECI). According to the survey, serving in the Knesset is being perceived as the least prestigious profession (average prestige rank 2.87 out of 5) compared to the other five professions in
the survey (High Court judge, university professor, high ranking military officer, high ranking
police officer and senior journalist). The Knesset itself, as an institution, did not receive a high
prestige rank either. It is positioned one place from the bottom (average prestige rank 2.90 out of
5) amongst the other public institutions in the survey. Preceding the Knesset are the High Court
of Justice, IDF (Israeli Defense Forces), State Comptroller, Israeli government and Israeli Police.
http://www.ceci.org.il/_Uploads/dbsAttachedFiles/3book.pdf.
18 http://www.netanyahu.org.il/.
19 http://www.eitam.org.il/. The domain has since changed hands; it is no longer owned by Effie
Eitam but rather by an accounting firm.
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not the Internet Generation, but after realizing the potential, I decided it had to
be done. I would like to see as many MKs as possible utilize this tool for public
interaction. I believe it is one of the best ways to mend the public’s view of politicians” (Meranda 2007b); Robert Ilatov went the furthest and opened a special
blog in Tapuz Anashim (Tapuz People)20 some 6 months after being elected for the
17th Knesset, with the intent to “bridge the gap between public representatives
and the public. Everyone can make suggestions, comment and even see his suggestion make the Knesset’s agenda. I hope you will enjoy this blog and actively
participate in it.” Sadly, this blog was only updated from April 2008 through February 2009, but we shall later deal with the fine line between theory and practice.
2.2 Mitigation of the Party Status
The waning bond between the social sphere and the political parties characterizes
Western democracies of recent decades. The Israeli party system, too, has been experiencing a process of dealignment since the early 1990s (Shamir et al. 2008: p. 27).
Some claim that this stems from the parties’ diminishing status as political
institutions as well as from other changes within the voting class (Shamir et al.
2008). According to this stance, the weakening bond between the social sphere
and the parties is a result of social, political, and economical modernization
processes (Dalton and Wattenberg 2000). These processes have mitigated the
social solidarity which was the basis for the popular parties. The major shift in
cultural values, the rise in living and education standards, as well as the changes
in social stratification have all changed the public’s general perception; citizens have become more aware of their rights and more critical towards political
institutions, and voting patterns have changed (Koren 1998: pp. 12–13; Inglehart
1999; Ward et al. 2005). As a result, the party system deteriorated in both strength
and stability. When it comes to Israel, the major parties’ adoption of the Primaries (preliminary elections in which the party’s candidates list and/or leader is
selected) played a major role in their declining status, and impeded their cohesion and internal discipline (Rubinstein 2005: p. 8).
Some say that these changes do not express the decline of the party status,
but rather its adaptability. According to these opinions, these changes express an
adaptive and evolutionary process as well as the ability to change and adapt to a
new reality (Katz and Mair 1995) in response to the aforementioned social, technological, and ideological changes (Bartolini and Mair 2001). In practice, these
20 http://www.tapuz.co.il/blog/net/UserBlog.aspx?FolderName=haverknesset&skip=1.
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Sharon Haleva-Amir
changes manifested in the emergence of new partisan models (Katz and Mair
1995), the search for a new fountainhead for gathering resources and supporters
(Norris 2000), and website use in accordance to party goals in order to approach
the electorate (Rommele 2003).
As a result of modernization, the inter-party discourse has also been changing, alongside public interaction; the need for face-to-face meetings with activists
in party centers diminishes, and information is transmitted mainly via television,
listserv, and online channels. The internet enables the parties to keep in touch
with the public while cutting down on advertising and maintenance costs (compared to physical location upkeep and mass-media advertising). Partisan websites supply information for voters, act as a fundraising and activist recruitment
platform, increase public engagement and assist in inter- and outer-party administration (Gibson and Ward 2000; Atmor 2008).
Together with collective use of this new technology, parliament members have
also embraced the advantages of personal, individual utilization of the internet as
a means of promoting their public actions, strengthening their inter-party position
and intensifying their bonds with the electorate, as will be discussed later.
2.3 Political Communication
Researchers distinguish between three consecutive generations (some overlapping) of political communication, following WWII: the first 20 years after the
war are referred to as “The Golden Age of Parties” (Janda and Colman 1998).
During this period, the political system was a primary source for political initiatives and discussions concerning social change, and most voters both expressed
themselves and received political information via the partisan structure. Faith in
political institutions was ample (Hallin 1992: p. 17), and most political communication was subject to relatively strong and stable political institutions and beliefs
(Blumler and Kavanagh 1999: pp. 211–212).
The rise of television during the 1960s marked the dawn of a new age, where
strong party affiliation and fidelity began to weaken. Television – now the main
platform for political communication – managed to reach hitherto distant electorate groups. The television medium, bound by law to values of decency, fairness and neutrality, presented varying and differing political views. Its vast
exposure has made people more willing to change their opinions according to
circumstances. While the Golden Age saw people with steady, fortified political
stances, the age of television brought about a public easily influenced by shortterm considerations such as current news and events; changing stances became
the norm (Blumler and Kavanagh 1999: pp. 211–212).
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Expectedly, party leaders had a tough time controlling the spread of political messages in the media. In order to deal with the new media’s ever-growing
viewing public as well as with the constant shift in public opinion, parties and
politicians adopted an array of tactics which enabled them to make headlines,
mold the media’s agenda, and present sound bites: ready-made statements in
press conferences, briefs, interviews, and televised debates. These tactics formed
the basis for the current political campaign management model norm (Blumler
and Kavanagh 1999: pp. 211–212), but simultaneously created a paradox; in an
age where the audience was more attentive to new opinions than ever before,
politicians chose the help of advisors who reviewed the campaign’s main motifs
in advance, anticipated the public’s reaction and avoided a true dialogue with the
public (Mayhew 1997; Blumler and Kavanagh 1999).
The current, third generation is characterized by an overabundance of communication channels. Media includes innumerable and readily available television, radio, and internet channels. This excess, changes the face of political
communications and forces the main actors to adjust their tactics accordingly.
The main focus has become the political figure as an individual, and not the
political institute he or she represents. Even though political institutions are the
ones that dominate political actions and processes, they are becoming increasingly dependent on mass media shaping their image (Mazzoleni and Schulz 1999:
pp. 249–250). In this reality, politics and communications have become indistinguishable, and although decisions are made by the politicians themselves, the
media opens up political processes to the public (Galili-Zucker 2008: p. 57). This
is common in Israel, too, where the media’s control of politics, nicknamed mediapolitik, is especially dominant (Peri 2004). While the emergence of the “new
medium” – the Internet – left politics and media intertwined, its importance as a
main actor in the political-communications arena is unquestionable.
For parliament members, the Internet offers many great advantages21 as a
political tool for personal use:22
21 It should be mentioned that these advantages are not absolute. Each advantage can be countered. Nevertheless – as this is not the place to develop a discussion on this issue – we should at
least refer to these advantages with reservation.
22 These advantages focus on incumbents’ use of the web for political ends, whereas the advantages of web use for electoral campaigning are not necessarily identical. The main benefit
of electoral web campaigns, not mentioned in the list above, is online fundraising. This feature
contributed greatly to Barack Obama’s presidential campaign in 2008 as it allowed him to fund
his electoral campaign through micropayments from a numerous private citizens. Furthermore, it
is important to distinguish between the advantages of political web usage for elected representatives and for the public.
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1.
Widespread, highly accessible to users, with no time or geographical
limitations.
2. Vast database offering free content.
3. Relatively cheap (when compared to traditional media) advertising platform.23
4. User-friendly – internet use is simple and does not require professional training, both for the content’s creators and its consumers.
5. No gatekeepers who control the flow of information i.e., lack of dependence
on traditional media.
6. Decentralized network that does not answer to centralized supervision.
7. A propaganda channel that has hardly any legal limitations.
8. The internet allows for easy and speedy message, mail, and document delivery, at minimal cost and vast distribution.
9. Interaction and interactivity: quick and free (barring initial website maintenance costs and the citizen’s internet connection fees), while disregarding
time and geographical distances allows for effective and direct two-way communication between parliamentarians and the public.
10. Organizational tool for managing relations with the electorate.24
These benefits have led many politicians to use the internet as a personal communications channel. Thus, the contents presented are completely under their
control, and they are the ones who choose which subjects will be discussed,
without the traditional media’s mediation. This channel broadens the politician’s sphere of influence by selecting the way in which he or she is represented
to the public (Elisar Malka 2004). Additionally, content appearing in politicians’
personal websites may influence journalists, as they use politicians’ websites as
primary resources for their journalistic research,25 even though this content is
under the politicians’ control. The politician controls the site’s contents, what
goes online and when; they may choose to publish only content that presents
them in a positive light. However, since these websites act as public archives
23 As stated above, it does not refer to political marketing during an electoral campaign which
is financially demanding, but rather to continuous web usage during incumbency. The use of the
web by incumbents offers a bidirectional channel for communication while allowing selective
and positive exposure for a relatively low operational cost.
24 CRM – Constituent Relationship Management: equivalent to the business management term
Customer Relationship Management.
25 For further discussion of political journalists’ working habits in the Internet era, which include constant tracking of politicians’ websites, see The Virtual Trail: Political Journalism on
the Internet (2002), http://www.pewtrusts.org/uploadedFiles/wwwpewtrustsorg/Reports/The_
practice_of_journalism/pp_online_journalist.pdf.
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which are continuously accessible to all, they might become a burden for the very
politicians who utilize them, as the public and journalists alike can visit the site
and fact-check a politician’s past promises and statements (Elisar Malka 2004;
Galili-Zucker 2008: pp. 104–105).
It should be noted that this platform is especially (but not exclusively) suited
for politicians whose media coverage is minimal, have limited budget and need
positive exposure as well as a soapbox from which to advertise their views without
time or space limitations, and at minimal cost.
Many MKs who operate a website do not state their goals and intentions
while launching the site, while others list several goals as well as their intention to give a full account of their actions during their term. For instance,
when Effi Eitam launched his site on February 2007, he shared the reasons
that led him to do so: “I made my decision because I felt that the media
mainly highlighted my stance on military and security issues, and I wanted
to express myself on other matters – social and personal – something the
media did not enable me to do” (Meranda 2007b). Similarly, Eli Aflalo lays
down his rationale for web activity on his homepage: “Welcome [emphasis in
original; SHA], I’m glad you chose to visit my website, the place to fully learn
about my parliamentarian and social activities, about issues that matter to
me, and perhaps experience new opinions and ideas. I invite you to read my
manifesto, keep up to date with my office’s news reports, learn about bills I
presented and read articles covering my various achievements.”26 Uri Ariel
has also elaborated, in January 2007: “In this site I bring you coverage of my
parliamentarian work as well as my activities in various fields: education,
welfare, security, settlement, and more.”27 And this is what Esterina Tartman
wrote in her “unofficial” (according to her) website: “Dear surfers, whether
you’ve reached this unofficial website of Knesset Member Esterina Tartman
intentionally or unintentionally – welcome. Here you can learn about Israel
Beitenu faction’s MK Esterina Tartman’s vast political and parliamentarian
activity [emphasis in original; SHA], […] in addition to the information provided by the media.”28
26 Former MK Eli Aflalo’s Home Page – http://www.yallakadima.co.il/candidate/main.
asp?cand_id=9; No longer available on the web.
27 MK Uri Ariel’s former website (via Web Archive – 11 January 2007), http://web.archive.org/
web/20070111094547/http:/www.leumi.org.il/ariel.
28 Former MK Estherina Tartman’s informal (as she herself names it) website (presented in the
format of a blog), http://estherina-tartman.blogspot.co.il/.
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2.4 Direct Dialogue with the Public
Two processes have simultaneously affected democratic regimes in the past
decades: The Internet’s emergence as a multimedia communication tool affecting all aspects of daily life; and the crisis in elected representatives’ status in
Western democracies. These seemingly unrelated processes blended and merged
as interest in harnessing the internet to benefit the democratic process increased.
The reason for this interest lies in the perception that a well-functioning democracy is affected by efficient and multi-directional information flow. Thus, the
vast developments in ICT – information and communication technologies may
greatly influence the way in which democratic processes take place (Coleman
et al. 1999: p. 366). The Internet’s characteristics will help create accessible and
direct two-way communication between citizens and government, more than
ever before. Additionally, the internet’s readily available, free information will
assist users in shaping their political and civilian awareness. This awareness
will fashion them into more involved members of society, and in turn strengthen
society at large. Moreover, these people’s tendency to be involved in the social
sphere will grow not merely because of their involvement, but mostly due to their
feeling that, when it comes to decision-making, they can make a change and that
their voices are heard and considered. These feelings, which may develop as a
result of an ongoing, two-way dialogue, have proven true during Barack Obama’s
online campaign for US presidency in 2008. The dialogue created by Obama and
his staff between Obama and the public motivated people to act, driven by a true
sense that they themselves can bring about change.
Therefore, and assuming personal sites (unlike party-sites which are more
official in nature) have great potential29 for unmediated dialogue with the public,
such that will improve a two-way relationship – many MKs have expressed their
will for dialogue in their websites: no longer a one-directional plea to the public,
but response and feedback from the public to its representatives. The rationale is
clear: using personal sites may help improve MKs’ image in the public eye, raise
public interest in parliamentarian activity, and lead many people to get involved
– socially and publically – through ongoing dialogue between them and the MKs.
Eli Aflalo explains how he learned the value of the internet as a device for
strengthening ties with the voters: “I find it important to hear your opinions and
feelings, because even in my current age and position I seem to learn new things.
During my daily interaction with the public I learn, I absorb, and then utilize this
new information where possible and beneficial. To this extent, I would like to
29 This does not necessarily mean that, in practice, the websites enable it.
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remark on the internet’s role as a highly significant tool in the public and officials’
relationship. I have learned that this medium greatly benefits both sides; I am
lucky enough to be receiving more public petitions than ever before, and respond
to them quickly and more efficiently than I would using fax or telephone.”30 Israel
Hason states on his site’s homepage: “This website’s purpose is to maintain a
steady, constant and effective contact with the public. I promise to lend you my
ears, keep my eyes open, and when needed, be the mouth that speaks on your
behalf. Yours truly, Israel Hason.”31 Alex Miller, too, declares on his site: “Being
an elected representative, I believe in complete transparency towards my constituents and the general Israeli public. Therefore, through this website you can
closely follow my work, be heard and contact me directly and on a regular basis
I promise to be a connective channel between your true needs, principles and
beliefs and the Knesset halls, committees and members.”32 Dov Khenin shares his
manifesto on his site, and adds: “My years-long discussions, debates and even
arguments with you have shaped my world view, and I wish to keep them going.
Parliamentarian activities gain much from interactions with the activists. Please
do not hesitate to turn to me with any suggestion, idea, or critique. Use the parliamentarian power you have bestowed upon me. We are here for you.”33
However, just below this manifesto comes the following notice: “This story is
currently closed for comments;” even if other pages do allow comments, the gap
between the MK’s declarative narrative and the site’s design and features create
a fundamental dissonance. The same is true for David Tal, who states “black on
site”: “I have decided to bring my public work as an MK online, and make additional parliamentary information available to you, in order to open a channel to
enhance the connection between the citizens and the parliament.”34 A January
2009 analysis showed that the last update in the “Continuous Updates” section
was from May 2008, and in the “Press Release” section from early November of
that year.
This rift which separates statements from reality may signify that the will for
two-way communications is fictional. On the other hand, true and honest intentions for dialogue with the public can fail if one does not consider all aspects of
website administration. Thus, lack of updates, for example, is not a mere technicality, but a representation of the MK’s sincerity of intentions. When sincere will
30 Former MK Eli Aflalo’s Home Page – http://www.yallakadima.co.il/candidate/main.
asp?cand_id=9; No longer available online.
31 MK Israel Hason’s website – http://www.israel-hason.com/.
32 Former MK Alex Miller’s website – http://www.alexmiller.info; No longer available online.
33 MK Dov Khenin’s website, “I believe” page http://www.dovblog.org/manifesto.
34 Former MK David Tal website http://www.davidtal.co.il; No longer available online.
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Sharon Haleva-Amir
is lacking, citizens’ willingness to take part in the dialogue becomes scarce as
well; as previously stated, citizen engagement will only take place if true intentions to communicate – and more importantly, listen – are recognized.
Additionally, interactivity forces politicians to show greater commitment to
their voters and to surrender complete control over the contents of their websites, as open dialogue carried via websites may also expose them to criticism and
negative comments.
Therefore, hopes of strengthening the electorate-elected bond by use of internet may turn out to be a lost cause. Internet and democracy share no deterministic bond (Coleman and Kaposi 2009); technology is democratically neutral, and
its evolution depends on its design and use. Without true commitment and willingness to connect with the public, virtual politics will maintain a standstill and
will continue reflecting the usual representative-represented relationship.
The price may be too high for those politicians who are unwilling to relinquish total control and supervision, and without true dialogue all that remains is
merely the appearance of interaction.
2.5 Ameliorating Parliamentarian Work and Legislation
Knesset members’ parliamentary grunt work usually goes publically uncelebrated throughout their term. They partake in Knesset committees and assembly
discussions, present ministers with questions regarding their office’s jurisdiction, raise motions for the agenda, promote legislation initiatives and take care
of public and other queries. Personal websites may help ease their workload.
Due to the MKs’ role as legislators, personal sites enable them to study the public
opinion (without traditional media’s mediation) by examining direct and personal appeals; these appeals may assist MKs in formulating bills in such cases
which require legislative interference. Moreover, legislators can turn directly to
the public in search of desired and required bills. Thus, direct public contact via
a personal Internet channel can directly affect the legislative process. Indeed,
many MKs interact with the public when it comes to desired legislation. Even
though in some cases there is some disagreement between the public and the
responding MK, both sides benefit from such dialogue. The citizens feel their
voices are being heard and that they are taking part in the democratic process,
their civilian and political awareness grows – and they become more involved
citizens who make information-based political decisions, which in turn promote
a stronger society (Min 2007). Knesset Members become more involved in – and
attentive to – the society in which they live. As a result of the dialogue, legislation
reflects the public’s day-to-day reality rather than being detached from it. British
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Parliament Member Graham Allen shares from his personal experience: “The
more voices that are allowed to be heard, the more likely we are to get the ideas to
make good legislation even better. Many of the legislative disasters that governments have imposed on parliament – I speak generically – could probably have
been avoided. To refer to my own experience, I led for my party in opposition on
the Child Support Act 1991, which has had to be rewritten about five times. I have
no doubt that had we had a sensible process of pre-legislative scrutiny – either
online or offline – and had we listened to the practitioners and to those whom it
affected, we would have been able to make that law far better, far earlier” (Parry
2004).
Prof. Menachem Ben-Sasson, member of the 17th Knesset and chairman
of the Constitution, Law and Justice Committee, asked his Facebook friends
on 9 November, 2008:35 “Which laws would you like to be passed by the next
Knesset?36 If I will have a seat in the next Knesset, I will, of course, continue
pursuing the laws I initiated during my time in the 17th Knesset, especially the
constitution. Is there another law you believe should be incorporated into the
Israeli Law Book?”37
Shelly Yachimovich responded on her website’s Q&A page to some of the bills
suggested to her by the public. Thus, for example, she refused parents’ requests
for legislation allowing the installation of surveillance cameras in kindergartens
and nurseries (Yachimovich 2007); as well as to the proposal to initiate legislation
which will prevent media publishing of wounded persons during the Gaza War
[“Operation Cast Lead”] (Yachimovich 2009). In each page of his website, Nissan
Slomiansky reminds users – “Dear citizen, your visit to my site has taught you
about the many issues in which I am involved. If you are interested in promoting
the legislation of any of these issues, please contact me at nslomianski@knesset.
gov.il or via fax […] and leave a short description of the legislative proposal.”38 In
35 This page was taken off the web in January 2009. During the transition from George Bush’s
presidential administration to Barack Obama’s, an official (http://change.gov/) website was
launched, in which US citizens could come up with legislative initiatives. Still, one should bear
in mind that the American government is the executive branch while MKs are part of the legislative branch, comparable to USA Congress.
36 During the transition from George Bush’s presidential administration to Barack Obama’s, an
official (http://change.gov/) website was launched, in which US citizens could come up with legislative initiatives. Still, one should bear in mind that the American government is the executive
branch while MKs are part of the legislative branch, comparable to USA Congress.
37 This page was taken off the web in January 2009.
38 MK Nissan Slomianski’s former website, http://www.nissan.org.il/. The domain is under new
ownership and currently hosts a commercial blog.
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the “Contact Me” section of his site, under “Citizen Services and Contact,” Slomiansky explains in detail what a citizen should do if he or she wishes to bring
forward a proposal, propose legislation, etc.39
3 Evolution of Internet Use as a Personal
Platform among Knesset Members
The first political website was launched by Dianne Feinstein, a California senator,
during her 1994 Senatorial campaign (Howard 2005: p. 9). This was a Kitty Hawk
moment as far as online political campaigns are concerned (Xenos and Foot 2008:
p. 57). A year later, Massachusetts senator Ted Kennedy was the first member of
Senate to launch an official Internet website while serving as an elected representative (Howard 2005: p. 9). In 1996, during HaAvoda (Labor party) primaries
preceding the 14th Knesset general elections, MK Yael Dayan launched a webpage
concerning her public work;40 one can compare this to Dianne Feinstein’s initial
web utilization. And yet, personal use of internet sites by incumbent Knesset
members was delayed until the new millennium.
Stephen Coleman (Coleman 1999) characterizes four adaptive phases of legislators’ Internet utilization as a political tool:41 The first phase is the Disregard
Phase. In this primary stage, legislators refuse to recognize the internet as a new,
readily available technology; the second is the Immoderation Phase, where the
opposite happens, and the trend moves from one extreme to the other. During
this phase, legislators become manic with technocratic enthusiasm, eager to use
up-to-date technology; the third Ripening Phase is characterized by the legislators’ assimilation of Internet use, though still as a mirror of the traditional media
tools and functions and without utilizing the many innovative and unique features offered by the Internet, such as interactive applications allowing two-way
personal communication; the fourth and final phase is the Maturation and
Acceptance Phase. It is at this phase that legislators internalize the nature of the
new medium and recognize their need to adjust their own media-conduct and the
information they put out to the internet age. At this stage, the internet’s unique
functions shine via parliamentarians’ personal sites and blogs and allow for a
39 MK Nissan Slomianski former website http://www.nissan.org.il/. The domain is under new
ownership and currently hosts a commercial blog.
40 I would like to thank Dr. Mike Dahan, who brought this information to my attention.
41 Video conference with Professor Stephen Coleman, Leeds University, OII-Oxford Internet Institute (22 March 2006).
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two-way interaction between the public and its representatives. Within one parliament one may find members in various adaptive stages, as this is an individual
process which is hinged upon many factors (parliamentarian’s age, education,
degree of openness to change, etc.).
The chain of events in the Israeli case, as will be discussed below, does not
match Coleman’s formal structure, but rather follows a more theoretical framework in which the phases are rearranged: (1) Disregard Phase; (2) Ripening Phase;
(3) First Maturation Phase; (4) Immoderation Phase; (5) Second Maturation
Phase.42 It is important to note that this framework is not set in stone, and some
of its phases partially overlap. That is to say, one cannot set specific bounds or
completely separate one phase from the other. Moreover, this framework relates
to the general community of MKs using the internet as a personalized political
tool. Therefore, not every MK goes through all of these phases. Additionally, in
each phase there are MKs that are the exception to the rule.
3.1 Disregard Phase (2000–2004)
This period saw general disregard of the internet from MKs. The few early adaptors used the internet as a means to duplicate mass media functions they were
familiar with, while disregarding its unique functions as a two-way, interactive
channel.
During 2000–2001, Michael Eitan43 launched the very first website for an
acting MK, as part of the aforementioned Knesset Boulevard.44 The idea behind
the project was to establish a designated platform for MKs, within the Knesset
website, which would allow them to create and manage their own sites using
a free, simple, user-friendly interface. It appears that this initiative may have
jumped the gun, seeing as but for a select few MKs (Ophir Pines-Paz, Yuval
Steinitz, Eliezer Cohen, Nissim Zeev, Uri Yehuda Ariel and Michael Eitan), the
Boulevard remained dormant. For years (until 2007) it waited, gathering dust,
although several MKs chose to launch their own sites via independent platforms.
At the start of the millennium, other MKs had their own websites,45 including
42 This phase will be dealt in the last section of the article.
43 Re: MKs web usage; an email from former MK Michael Eitan’s parliamentary assistant (21
January 2009).
44 http://www.knesset.gov.il.
45 As this issue has never been examined before, there is no documentation of all the MKs who
have ever operated a website. Data collection was done through traditional and digital media
references to MKs websites as well as through The Web Archive – http://archive.org/index.php.
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Shaul Yahalom,46 Marina Solodkin, Haim Ramon, Benny Elon, Yossi Beilin, Tzaly
Reshef, Arieh Eldad,47 Yuli Tamir and Ronnie Bar-On. These sites were sporadically active, some launched for the sole purpose of a general campaign or primary
elections, remaining unattended to for long periods of time. Most contained static
data such as policies, political biographies, speeches, articles, and photo galleries. Some included bills for which the MKs were responsible, or parliamentary
questions they presented, and the issues with which they dealt. Two-way communication hardly took place within these sites, which served mainly as yet
another soapbox from which to present their parliamentarian activities.
Ynet editor Yon Feder presented another initiative which was dead on arrival.
The plan was to create a free interface for MKs’ websites. Feder believed his initiative would encourage MKs to manage and update their website while interacting
with the public: “this project will be an attempt to liven up the direct interaction between elected representatives and constituents. Nowadays, accessibility
is nearly nonexistent, or cumbersome. There will be a competition among MKs
– and pretty soon they’ll realize that they shouldn’t neglect their websites, or
they’ll be left behind” (Banner 2004). Feder was correct as far as accessibility was
concerned, but wrong about MKs’ motivation to put time and effort into their websites. Many reasons may explain the lack of response to these initiatives, ranging
from monetary costs,48 through foreseeable workload which will be passed on
to the few and (in regards to Internet use) inexperienced parliamentary assistants, all the way to the perception that they will not generate enough exposure
(Banner 2004). Furthermore, some MKs recoil at the thought of overexposure,
for fear of appearing conceited: 16th Knesset member Israel Eichler explained:
“[people] can read about my activities on the Knesset website, and those who
wish can contact me by e-mail. Other Knesset members also seem to understand
that people aren’t interested in reading about ‘his majesty’s heroic deeds.’ I find
it tacky to post a sign on my shop that reads ‘achievements sold here’ ” (Banner
2004); Gideon Ezra, a 16th Knesset Minister without Portfolio, states: “if I have
something to say, I say it within the Knesset. To maintain a website and go ‘me
me me’ – it’s not something I care for” (Banner 2004); Reshef Chayne (member
of the 16th Knesset) adds: “I think it shows too much pomposity […] anybody
46 Between the years 2002 and 2005 former MK Shaul Yahalom operated a well-maintained and
updated website. He also wrote a personal blog named “Yahalom on a Public Mission” on the
Kipa (yarmulke) website during the 17th Knesset electoral campaign (2006).
47 Arieh Eldad operated a sub-site on the platform of Moledet party website.
48 MKs receive an annual budget of 55,000 NIS to purchase products and services which will
enable them to maintain their contact with the public. See MK’s Wages (Fees and endowments)
Decision (2001), Article 27.
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would want to think that the world wants to hear everything he or she has to say,
but between wanting to truly connect with the public and wanting to promote
yourself, I think that right now having a personal site leans more towards the
latter […] if I thought the public really cared for my opinion, and the site will have
hundreds of hits per day – maybe I would change my mind” (Banner 2004).
3.2 Ripening Phase (2004–2006)
This phase is characterized by expanded online presence; here, too, Internet use
is mostly restricted to transferring information to the public and not initiating a
two-way connection.
On February 2004, Ehud Yatom launched the first parliamentarian blog via
Israblog. Yatom instructed his aide and spokesman, Boaz Yaakovi, to start a blog
where Yatom will “express his opinions regarding various topics.”49 Yaakovi
explained the rationale behind the blog: “in the duplicate voting incident, the
media showcased its own truth […] it had a mantra, ‘the Knesset covers up’. Published, didn’t publish, eliminated parts – Ehud’s goal is to explain things from
his perspective […] Ehud didn’t want to create a personal website, because that
costs money. The constituent relations budget is limited. We save where we can. A
personal site costs money, and this is free. The budget transfers from 1 year to the
next, but we don’t have to spend it all” (Kenan 2004). The spokesman assumed
that Yatom will provide the content, while he will be responsible for the blog’s
upkeep. The first post, “The trail of blood between Jerusalem and The Hague,”
was published on 23 February, 2004 and dealt with the International Court of Justice’s security fence deliberations. The blogosphere embraced the new blog,50 but
the euphoria crashed with a bang just as soon as it began, when the comments
came; most were negative, harsh and rude, and referenced to Yatom’s involvement in the national security scandal from several years prior. Commenter “Boles
Shikmim” wrote: “I wanted to ask a man of your stature, Bus 300 and all, what
sound does a human skull make when you smash it? How much voltage is needed
to extract a confession? How much blood can you let without killing your interrogee? What’s the difference between Jews and Arabs in terms of response to pain?”
(Globerman 2004); Commenter “On” added: “In a state where skull smashers are
49 A copy of Ehud Yatom’s post was archived in the blogger Halemo’s Electronic Mail blog –
http://halemo.net/edoar/0044/ehudyatomblog.html.
50 The blogger Halemo reports about Yatom’s correspondence with bloggers, which convinced
Yatom to open a blog, and the online reception he received, which led him eventually to remove
the blog (Halemo 2004).
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Knesset members, good is evil and evil is good just like in…” (Mor 2004). A few
hours later, the blog went offline, MK Yatom maintained that the blog initiative
was his aide’s, and that he was not even aware of it: “I did not start any website
[…] I did not see the comments […] had I been afraid of commentary, I wouldn’t
have run for the Knesset. I don’t need my own website. I was angry with my aide
after finding out he started the blog without my knowledge and told him to take it
down. This is all much ado about nothing” (Mor 2004). Yatom’s aide and spokesman, Boaz Yaakovi, took responsibility for the blog on that same day. Yaakovi
resigned his position and explained that the blog went offline since Yatom did not
care for it, and not because of the harsh comments (Ribak 2004).
This may seem like much ado over nothing, as Yatom put it. But this incident illustrates Knesset members’ attitude towards the two-way relationship
with the public; on the surface, MKs yearn for it, but in reality the websites serve
to promote their thoughts and actions (while eliminating, or at least reducing,
traditional media involvement), and not as a platform for users’ feedback. The
missed chance for dialogue did not go unnoticed by the users, who encouraged Yatom to resume direct interaction via the blog. “Boles Shikmim” himself
wrote in his personal blog: “MK Yatom, I urge you to reconsider taking your
blog offline, with all the advantages and disadvantages this action holds. In my
humble opinion, the Bus 300 scandal would have quickly died down and you
would have been left with an interesting, one of a kind blog with topical comments, which would have greatly influenced intelligent readers, strengthening
your ties with the public that voted for you, as well as with those who didn’t”
(Halemo 2004).
Throughout the years, other Knesset members began writing their own blogs,
some as part of their personal websites. Among past and present bloggers are
Robert Ilatov, Effi Eitam, Michael Eitan, Arieh Eldad, Yossi Beilin, Roman Bronfman, Dov Khenin, Shaul Yahalom, Shelly Yachimovich, Michael Melchior, Benjamin Netanyahu and Yuval Steinitz.
During the 2006 campaign for the 17th Knesset, many candidates –
including Baruch Marzel of the Hazit Yehudit Leumit (Jewish National Front);
Hagar Zimerman and Lola Vilenkin of Ale Yarok (Green Leaf); Peer Wisner of
HaYerukim (Green Party); Shelly Yachimovich, Ehud Barak and Amy Ayalon of
HaAvoda; and MKs such as Shaul Yahalom and Arieh Eldad – started writing
blogs as part of their campaigns, whether for the primaries or general elections. The meaning of a blog, however, was lost on some: Ami Ayalon’s blog,
for instance, was written in the third person using a platform that did not allow
for comments (Kenan 2006). Others enabled user comments but never bothered
to respond. Furthermore, many abandoned their blogs as soon as the elections
were over. Ophir Pines-Paz, Ehud Barak and David Tal did not update their blogs
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for months (Korpel 2007). Arieh Eldad was happy to write a blog throughout
the campaign, but did not attach much media, political, or social importance
to it. Eldad considered his blog a therapeutic instrument, leaving it barren for
a long period of time, later on launching a personal site which is still running;
MK Eldad: “it’s a kind of occupational therapy, nothing with significant political or media importance […] it’s miniscule, not widespread. This blog I suppose
reaches several hundred people, but it allows me to express myself in a way
us politicians usually deprive ourselves of […] a blog is a kind of liberty, and
those who like to write enjoy it […] it’s mostly about fun. It’s always nice to see
comments […] usually at 1 a.m., when you’re done reading everything else, you
babble a bit on your blog […] I might keep this going after the elections, depends
on the comments” (Kenan 2006). Unexpectedly, it was Ale Yarok candidate Lior
Perry who quickly grasped the importance of a political blog: “I was unaware
of how popular and powerful it was […] I was positive a blog would be something only a couple of my friends would read […] I started getting complaints
from activists. People started analyzing my posts […]. That’s when I realized that
what I write as a semi-joke is taken very seriously online” (Kenan 2006). Perhaps
Perry and Eldad’s varying conclusions stem from their differing points of view,
or it may stem from the demographically-different target audiences (socioeconomic status, tolerance and exposure to the internet, education level, degree of
religiousness, world view, etc.).
3.3 First Maturation Phase
This phase features internalizing the essence of the internet, and adapting media
conduct to the new medium. I will use Bibi-blog as a defining example.
On December 2006, MK Benjamin Netanyahu launched his blog.51 The blog
consisted of a weekly post reportedly written by Netanyahu himself (Kapshuk
2007), a photo gallery, videos, “acclamatory press snippets” (Somfalvi 2006)
and “Join the Party” forms. Blog administrator Yoni Goldblat-Levav (2007)
said that the site’s creators had two main goals in launching the blog, both of
which were fulfilled: the first was getting Netanyahu closer to his constituents
without media mediation: “to that end, we’ve revolutionized constituent relations, when the blog became the main communication channel, reaching thousands of users per day. These users get to personally know Netanyahu and learn
about his public activities via videos and posts recounting his impressions from
51 http://www.netanyahu.org.il/.
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his worldwide tours” (Goldblat-Levav 2007); the second was to create a mostly
user-based communal site: “we now have thousands of volunteers participating
via talkbacks [comments, SHA], forums, and mailing lists. The internet became
the Likud’s and Netanyahu supporters’ biggest chapter” (Goldblat-Levav 2007).
Bibi-blog (Somfalvi 2006) raised the bar on personal political websites in Israel
with its innovative design, stated goals and the fact that Netanyahu reportedly
wrote all of the posts despite their time-consuming nature (Kapshuk 2007). It is
safe to say that this blog was the first significant web application incorporating
web 2.0 features. Netanyahu addressed his readers in the first person, read their
comments, responded in text and in video, and encouraged them to take part in
Likud activities both on-and-offline (Netanyahu 2006). In the questions section,
user questions were posted without adhering to a specific order. Users could
rank the questions, promoting significant ones to the top (Lapin and Kenan
2007). Benjamin Netanyahu continuously stressed the blog’s importance: “This
blog will allow me to approach topics which the media does not cover. It would
also allow me to keep in touch with the public and read the comments. Nothing
is more important to an incumbent. I receive hundreds of emails, and this will
be one way for me to directly respond to the people” (Somfalvi 2006). It appears
that Netanyahu truly understood the internet’s strength as a political platform as
well as the need to change the ways in which politicians interact with the public:
“Any politician wishing to reach out to the public must be competent and able
to communicate online and in the future through a cellphone, which is turning
out to be the dominant apparatus in upcoming years […] this compels us politicians to adjust our behavior patterns […] I’m already lagging behind on technology, though most politicians linger much farther behind (Kapshuk 2007).”
Netanyahu’s statements as well as his blog presence demonstrate progressive
technological consciousness (or at least his aides’), whereas narrative analysis
indicates a predominant deliberative approach: “reading your comments reinforced my faith in the internet’s democratic power which enables true dialogue
with a wide public. I was asked about the site’s censorship policy. Well, there is
no censorship. I expressly told the site administrators to refrain from deleting
any comments, unless they are of a crude nature. Comments criticizing me, my
opinions or my policy, even severely, are posted” (Netanyahu 2006). However,
and despite the rosy declarations, most visitors found that even comments of a
refined nature aren’t automatically posted (Lapin and Kenan 2007). Additionally, the User Questions’ page and the Answered Questions’ page were not linked
(Lapin and Kenan 2007), thereby denying the possibility of checking which ones
were answered without an effort. Blog commentary was swift. Political adversaries studied the blog (Avisar 2007); users examined the accuracy of his statements
and pinpointed historical inaccuracies (Lapin and Kenan 2007); and other MKs
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such as Effi Eitam (Meranda 2007b) and Yossi Beilin52 started their own blogs
conveying a personal tone.
3.4 Immoderation Phase
Many MKs today (2009) tend to use several communication channels simultaneously. This intensive use does not necessarily demonstrate comprehension of the
medium’s qualities. On the contrary, it may indicate confusion and disorientation,
in a sense of “Jack of all trades, Master of none.” During 2007, MKs’ Internet use
expanded and became more sophisticated and innovative. Some started a personal YouTube53 channel onto which they uploaded speeches; others uploaded
videos directly onto their sites. Silvan Shalom launched an interactive flash site,
displaying him as a character in a virtual living room, personally addressing
users and prompting them to ask questions, the answers to some of which are displayed by video (Parag 2007). MKs began using other internet platforms as well:
they wrote blogs and showcased their views in designated blogging platforms,54
online magazines55 and social sites such as Black labor,56 where MKs are interviewed, write guest-columns and comment on lively, on-site political debates.
Another site which is unofficially supported by Knesset members is Knesset 2,
where citizens can post bills.57 Any citizen can post suggestions, discuss them in
committees parallel to the Knesset’s and partake in voting. A side banner on the
site mentions seven 18th Knesset members who support the initiative.58
52 Former MK Yossi Beilin’s blog on The Marker Café platform (posts archive – March 2007),
http://cafe.themarker.com/blog/25378/.
53 See, for example, former MK Ami Ayalon’s speech at the Labor party convention (14 December
2006), http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=BVprEc9NnHY; or Binyamin Netanyahu’s speech on
Iran (19 December 2006), http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jCxesdM8ui0.
54 MKs’ and Politicians’ ring of blogs, Israblog – http://israblog.nana10.co.il/ring_list.
asp?ringcode=27303 (Uzi Landau, Colette Avital, Arieh Eldad, Michael Eitan, Nadia Hilou, Matan
Vilnai, Stas Misezhnikov and Avraham Burg).
55 Jerusalem Post, BlogCentral – Political Circle, http://cgis.jpost.com/Blogs/. The political blog
ring is not available any longer, whereas on the eve of the 18th Knesset general elections it was
populated by MKs Binyamin Netanyahu, Colette Avital, Tzachi Hanegbi and Efraim Sneh; previously among the writers were MKs Avigdor Liberman, Rabbi Avraham Ravitz and Benny Elon.
56 http://www.blacklabor.org/.
57 http://www.knesset2.co.il/index.aspx.
58 18th Knesset MKs – Haim Oron, Arieh Eldad, Dov Khenin, Ahmad Tibi, Yaakov Margi, Orit
Noked and David Rotem (as well as 17th Knesset MKs Ran Cohen and Yossi Beilin).
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2007 was also the year MKs discovered the wonders of social media. Yoel
Hasson and Israel Hason were Faceook59 pioneers.60 Social media usage is
common among teenagers and people in their 20s and 30s (Lenhart et al. 2007;
Lenhart 2009). MKs realized, apparently with help from their aides, that using
social media would help expand their target audience and expose them and
their political activities to younger demographics. These younger generations are
usually detached from public politics, do not keep up with the news via mass
media, and spend long hours in online social activity. Yoel Hasson put it best:
“The website [Facebook – SHA] is a great way to interact with people. With it
you can reach younger audiences which you wouldn’t otherwise reach, and for a
young MK dealing with matters relating to students and young people, this is of
great importance. Occasionally I get messages, comments and ideas from users
and see it as another way to keep in touch and get feedback regarding parliamentary work […] I have no doubt that in today’s technological world, legislators need to be accessible to the public, even via social networking sites like this
one” (Meranda 2007a). Israel Hason, too, stated his belief that MKs should use
the various technological possibilities at their disposal in order to promote their
agendas, and that “we cannot ignore social and technological phenomena like
this social network” (Meranda 2007a). The public, however, was skeptical and
at first refused to believe that the people behind the social network profiles were
indeed Knesset members. Yoel Hasson related: “Sometimes people contact me on
Facebook and refuse to believe an MK has a profile and ask if it’s really me, but
after I respond seriously – they’re convinced” (Meranda 2007a). Kadima’s activist
and supporters’ portal Yalla Kadima61 issued a broad recommendation to MKs to
join Facenbook: “To all other Kadima MKs still on the fence […] joining a social
networking site is better [my emphasis, SHA] than launching a personal site […]
the social network enables the incumbent to operate from within a vibrant and
active internet hub […] the incumbent doesn’t need to struggle to bring in users
on a site like Facebook, because it is fully accessible, use patterns are uniform,
and Facebook’s unique and unifying lingo allows everyone to interact with each
other on the same level” (Yalla Kadima administrators 2007a).
59 http://www.facebook.com.
60 Israel Hason, then a member of the Israel Beiteinu party and today a member of the Kadima
party, initiated a bill concerning online comments (aka The Talkback Law). It casts legal liability
on popular websites (ones with an average of 50,000 hits per day, which are to be considered
“newspapers” for this matter) for damages or harm caused to a person as a result of its users’
comments. The bill received harsh criticism due to the risks it poses to freedom of speech, the
right to privacy and the right to fair trial. Despite the fact that it passed its preliminary reading,
legislation procedures were frozen by the Knesset in May 2008.
61 http://www.yallakadima.co.il/default.asp.
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It seems that most Knesset members adhered to this advice and created personal profiles (an application intended for individuals, aimed at establishing a
friend network) and politicians pages (an application designed for politicians,
aimed at establishing a network of supporters). Over 50% of politicians had either
a personal profile or a politician page in January 2009. That means more than 60
MKs are active on Facebook (including all Shas faction members). Notable presence was also observed on Haaretz’s The Marker Café.
Two important comments are required at this point: Firstly, about half the
profiles were created between December 2008 and January 2009, as a tactical
campaign move for the 2009 Knesset elections. Secondly, most MKs do not utilize
the social network to motivate voters or reach out to volunteers, but rather use the
Profile Wall, the main profile feature, as an online bulletin board. They upload
photos62 and start support groups. In some cases, these groups have very few
members, which may indicate lack of both popularity and interaction with the
public.
That said, some MKs do manage to take advantage of the social network’s
benefits – they upload posts and link to other content on their websites; respond
to comments and questions and sometimes hold direct and lengthy discussions
with users; they motivate youth towards political activism; and they utilize
the virtual sphere to raise public awareness. Still, it must be remembered that
social media activities can serve as a complement layer of online political activity, rather than a replacement, to a personal site or blog which are much more
comprehensive, detailed and serve as a portal for other personal web channels.
Furthermore, MKs’ social networking activity applies only to members of these
social networks, networks which require registration and are mostly populated
by the 18–29 demographic.
4 Electoral Campaigns Web Usage
When discussing the way Knesset members utilize internet platforms throughout
their term, it is best to first realize the essential difference between using Internet platforms as a political strategy during a campaign and using them while in
office. Campaign-time use has several main goals: political marketing, motivating voters, managing candidate-constituent relations, and administrative assistance in campaign management – whereas in-term use focuses on accountability
62 The use of joint pictures with then-senator Barack Obama, taken during his visit to Israel as
part of his electoral campaign, was very prevalent among MKs.
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and serves purposes of reporting and supplying information, as well as public
engagement and conversation.
Campaign-time internet applications are intense, constituent-focused (all of
a sudden, the candidate has plenty of time to respond to public queries), updates
daily and comprehensive – both in terms of number of candidates utilizing them
and in terms of number of applications used simultaneously (blogs, social networking profiles, Picasa photo albums, Twitter accounts, YouTube videos channels, etc.); whereas, only a few Knesset members use internet applications while
in office. Unfortunately, serving MKs’ websites are seldom updated, their contents
tend to be static and the communication they generate is one-sided, dictated by
the MK and his or her aides, leaving little (if any) room for public dialogue.
Following the US 2008 presidential campaign and specifically Obama’s
campaign, primary and general election candidates’ use of the internet as a promotional tool has become a necessity. True enough, when the 18th Knesset election date (10 February, 2009) neared, Internet use became more commonplace.
During December 2008, about a third (39) of the 17th Knesset’s members operated a personal website or blog (compared to 25% during October–November
2008), and in January 2009 the number rose to 42 MKs (35%). Many Knesset
members used blogs and sites only during the campaign. At the beginning of
January 2009, some 5 weeks before the election date, candidates from Hatnua
Hahadash-Meretz launched official blogs on the political movement’s site63 and
on the TheMaker Café social network. Each profile stated: 2009 campaign.64
HaAvoda candidates – Dr. Einat Wilf, Daniel Ben Simon, Orit Noked and Shalom
Simhon – started their own blogs on the party’s website.65 So did Shas chairman
and Minister of Industry, Trade and Labor Eli Yishai,66 who ran a campaign blog
on the party’s website.
Such was the case with Facebook, where the number of active MKs doubled
over the 6 weeks preceding the elections. Additionally, prime ministerial candidates’ internet presence was ubiquitous, with them turning to every application
available in order to reach the greatest exposure among youth; but using these
63 Meretz’s Blogosphere – http://blogs.newmeretz.org.il. No longer available online.
64 See for instance Zehava Gal-On http://zehavagalon.cafe.themarker.com/; Ilan Gilon http://
ilangilon.cafe.themarker.com/; Haim Oron (Jumes) http://jumes.cafe.themarker.com/; Avshalom
(Abu) Vilan http://avshalomvilan.cafe.themarker.com/.
65 Labor party blogs – http://www.havoda.org.il/Web/Default.aspx. (The blogs are no longer
available, other content is now featured.)
66 Shas chairman Eli Yishai’s personal blog, http://shas.org.il/node/349. No longer available
online.
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applications did not supply the desired results. A January 2009 survey conducted
by The Marker and Panels reported that “about 73% of users did not [my emphasis; SHA] use the internet for active political purposes […] 7% signed up for party
newsletters, 6.4% stated they joined a candidate or party page on Facebook, and
4.4% became a party or a candidate’s Facebook friends. 4.2% published political
posts, 1.8% supported their party financially using the online interface, and a
mere 1.2% uploaded political videos they created (Cohen 2009).”
Ten days prior to the elections, Channel 2 news did a special election report
in conjunction with YouTube: “Kol Ehad Yahol Lishol” (“Everyone Can Ask – The
complete broadcast: Livni, Barak and Netanyahu on Channel 2 News,” 2009).
Through video clips uploaded to YouTube users referred questions to the prime
ministerial candidates. Most popular clips were shown, discussed and answered
by Livni, Barak and Netanyahu in a live prime time broadcast hosted by journalist Dana Weiss. While conducting a discussion she referred a question to
Ehud Barak, asking him whether he used the Internet; Barak candidly replied
that he often send text messages (“Barak: Liberman will not be a member in my
government,” 2009). The discrepancy between the candidates’ technologically
up-to-date image campaign managers set out to portray, and their actual understanding of the medium – far from benefitting them, it may harm and ridicule
them.
5 Knesset Members’ Website Characteristics
An empirical assay carried through February 2009 examined all 43 sites/blogs
active at the time, in order to recognize content, design, and technical elements
as well as the use of interactive and web 2.0 applications. Some of the findings
are as follows:67
67 A few empiric notes: It should be noted that these categories are open, cumulative and do not
exclude one another. N = 43. Figures were rounding off. In reference to Kadima MKs who operate
personal websites although they were allocated sub-sites on the Kadima party website platform,
reference was made only to their personal websites as their sub-sites were not maintained or
updated. Although in the Likudnik sub-site list the websites of Binyamin Netanyahu, Gideon Saar
and Ruvi Rivlin were also enumerated, they were classified as independent websites as they are
not hosted on the physical platform of the Likudnik domain. MK Silvan Shalom had two active
websites at the time: one a sub-site on Likudnik platform and the other an independent site. Both
were included in the list of active websites. Social networks blogs which were operated by MKs
only for the purpose of their electoral campaign were not included in the list of active personal
web applications.
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5.1 Platform Types
5.1.1 Designated Blogging Platforms
Namely, Blogger (Esterina Tartman),68 Israblog (Colette Avital69 and others) and
Tapuz blogs (Robert Ilatov).70 These designated platforms are characterized by a
simple, easy to use interface. They are user friendly, do not require any programming knowledge, and allow the MK or their parliamentary assistant to update
the blog with new posts quickly and efficiently. Operating and maintenance fees
are low, but it is a uniform platform which normally does not integrate various
interactive applications.
5.1.2 Personal Sites Hosted Partisan Supporters Platforms
Namely, Mafdalnik (inactive), Likudnik,71 and Yalla Kadima.72 These are independent, privately owned sites, not officially affiliated with the party sites but
operated by their supporters and activists. Since there is no official affiliation,
these sites are not required to present a parallel stand to that of the party, and
so act as an open stage for opinion sharing and discussions among activists.
Additionally, as privately owned entities they can conduct as a business and
charge for advertising and other web services offered, whereas political parties
cannot engage in any business activity, whether directly or indirectly.73 These
sites are portals for party supporters, with online magazines which include articles, essays, commentary, links and news stories. This is how Yalla Kadima’s
administrators present the site: “the grassroots portal for Kadima supporters
and activists. This portal is a private internet domain which is not affiliated with
Kadima, and is set to serve as a public arena for all opinions and voices which
make up Kadima, allowing for fruitful and impartial discussions, as well as
encourage participation of all sectors within the movement. The pluralist principle which is the basis for the portal’s existence is what makes Yalla Kadima
[originally emphasized; SHA] the most active political portal in Israel today, and
68 http://estherina-tartman.blogspot.co.il/.
69 http://israblog.nana10.co.il/blogread.asp?blog=600672.
70 http://www.tapuz.co.il/blog/net/UserBlog.aspx?FolderName=haverknesset&skip=1.
71 http://www.likudnik.co.il/.
72 http://www.yallakadima.co.il/default.asp. No longer available online.
73 Article 21(a) Parties Law (1992), amendment no. 4. Book of Laws 1995: p. 432.
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an online meeting place for the movement’s supporters. Yalla Kadima’s [originally emphasized; SHA] independence and its perception as such by Israeli
internet users are what make it more credible and authentic than any other
official party site.”74 Likudnik, too, is described as a private website “without
party affiliation (despite its name) for information and opinion exchange, articles, essays and commentary on political, national, social, economic and cultural topics designated for writers, Likud supporters and others, from all ends
of the political spectrum. The site accepts everyone and is uncensored, barring
defamation.”75
These partisan portals provide, among other things, web-hosting services.
The benefit for Knesset members is obvious: Transferring some of the website
maintenance and administration work to a professional. In addition, portals’
exposure is greater than that of independent MK sites. These portals are information hubs for movement activists; as such, they draw relevant user activity through which hosted MK sites can be easily accessed.76 Not only that, but
while a partisan portal may be ideologically associated with a certain party, it
is still not an official party channel. Its advantage lies in expressions of various
opinions, including such that oppose inter-partisan stance. But here lies their
disadvantage, too, as it may inadvertently damage a party when bringing up
inter-partisan issues to the awareness of all party members. Situations like
these may promote inter-partisan opposition, factionalism and division (Lev-On
2011).77 Thus, website hosting on a partisan portal may aid MKs who support an
opposing opinion to that of the party leaders’, and damage those associated with
the party’s leadership.
Benjamin Netanyahu, Silvan Shalom, Ruvi Rivlin and Gideon Saar’s sites are
hosted on Likudnik. Yalla Kadima hosts those of Kadima faction members. Each
Knesset member was designated a mini site on the “elected representatives” page,
with seven content categories: News, Biographical Notes, Parliamentary Activity,
Legislative Activity, Policy Statements and Credo, Media References and Contact
74 Yalla Kadima site, About page, http://www.yallakadima.co.il/pages.asp?cont_page_id=1.
No longer available online.
75 Likudnik site, editorial board, http://www.likudnik.co.il/. The text is no longer available on
the site.
76 One can maintain that the exposure to these websites is limited to party activists, compared
to the independent websites which are not attributed to a party portal. However, a Google search
regarding Silvan Shalom and Gideon Saar’s websites over the Likudnik platform suggests that
these were ranked among the first search results (fourth result for Silvan Shalom’s site and first
result for Gideon Saar’s site). (The search was conducted on 29 March 2009.)
77 Lev-On, Oppositional voices in the new media map 1 (2011).
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Info. If none of the categories is updated in several months, the portal administration posts a notice on the Knesset member’s site: “this site is not being updated.”
Some Kadima MKs have independent sites in addition to these; Avi Dichter and
Yohanan Plesner, for instance. Likudnik portal editor Arik Ziv’s description as
“Likud’s number one man” exemplifies these portals’ importance in the internet
and political arenas. Yossi Verter described the site and its editor in an Haaretz
article:
“Likud’s number one man […] is called Arik Ziv and he runs the ‘Likudnik’ site. The Likud
supporters’ home site, not the Likud’s. It is a semi-underground, semi-official website. It is
home to all 168 Likud candidates, who pay good money to promote themselves there. It is a
sort of ‘voice of the people’, with clear right-wing tendencies. Any Likdunik [Likud supporter; SHA] worth their salt – MKs, activists, local chapters’ heads, spokespersons, parliamentarian assistants – visit this site several times a day in order to study the battleground, catch
up on juicy gossip, find friends and foes” (Verter 2008b).
In addition, Yalla Kadima portal was defined as a website for preservation in
the National Library of Israel’s archives (Yalla Kadima admins 2008) as well as a
highly scanned news site (scanned every few minutes by Google and other search
engines bots), due to its high traffic (Yalla Kadima admins 2007b).
5.1.3 Independent Personal Sites
These days (2009), most Knesset members operate a personal site with a namedomain, making it easier for users to find their sites: Uri Ariel (www.uriariel.
co.il), Zevulun Orlev (www.orlevz.co.il), and Gilad Erdan (www.giladerdan.co.il),
to name a few.78 These sites are completely different from one another in design,
content, number of interactive applications embeded, etc, depending on the MK’s
varying degree of interest in this channel, the amount of money invested in it,
who the administrators are (Knesset member himself, parliamentarian assisitants or PR firm), and more.
78 Yalla Kadima portal sub-sites are not characterized by unique domain names and one cannot
identify the site’s operator merely by URL. For example – the link to the late MK Zeev Boim
was http://www.yallakadima.co.il/candidate/main.asp?cand_id=29 (no longer available online).
Some of the sub-sites on the Likudnik portal have independent URLs, such as Ruvi Rivlin’s
website http://www.rivlin.org.il (no longer available online) and Gideon Saar’s website http://
www.gideonsaar.com/, while other Likudnik sub-sites include the word likudnik. For instance
Silvan Shalom’s sub-site is http://silvan.likudnik.co.il.
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5.2 General Characteristics
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Seven out of 42 website-operating Knesset members79 are women (17%), and
35 are men (83%). The 17th Knesset had 18 acting women, making up for 15%
of its members.
Kadima has the most significant online presence, with a third of the websites (14 MKs). HaAvoda is also on top, with nine members operating websites
(21%); the Likud party had seven presiding 17th Knesset MKs with websites
(17%).
Eleven parties had online presence, including the religious parties: Agudat
Israel (1); Ichud Leumi (2); HaBayit HaYehudi (Former MAFDAL party) (2);
HaAvoda (9); Hadash (1); Israel Beitenu (2); Likud (7); Meimad (1); Meretz (2);
Kadima (14); and Shas (1).
Devided into blocs – 63% of websites were operated by right-wing MKs and
64% were operated by centralist or left-wing MKs.
5.3 Format
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Eighty-one percent of internet-active Knesset members operate websites
(35 sites).
Thirty-one percent of them write blogs (13), one in a vlog (video blog) format
(Tzipi Livni’s electoral blog). For some MKs, the blog is an integral part of
their website. Esterina Tartman’s site is an interesting case, as it is run on
a Blogger.com platform even though it has no web log, and is activated in a
plain website format.
Sixteen percent of internet-active MKs operate a mini-site (sub-site) in either
Likudnik or Yalla Kadima portals.
Sixteen percent of websites utilize tags. This blogs and web 2.0-typical feature
allows categorizing posts and pieces of information under keywords, making
for easy information retrieval and website content gathering. A tag cloud is
a visual representation of terms assigned to each item on site. Each tag font
size represents the number of items to which this tag has been applied. The
larger the tag font is, the more items on site deal with it.
Five percent of all sites have a designated social network.
Sixteen percent of sites include a designated login area for party activists.
79 As aforementioned, MK Silvan Shalom had two active websites: a sub-site on the Likudnik
platform and an independent website. Both were included in the list of active websites.
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5.4 Languages
In Section 82 of the Palestinian Order in Council, 1922, the three official languages
of the state were declared: Hebrew, Arabic and English. Upon the establishment
of the state of Israel, English’s official language status was revoked, in accordance
with Section 15b of the Law and Administration Ordinance, 1948, while Hebrew
and Arabic maintained their status. Following the 1990s mass immigration from
former Soviet Union countries, Russian, too, has become a common language.
The following can be assessed from website analysis:
– Ninety-eight percent (42) of the sites are Hebrew-based. Yuval Steinitz’s site is
the only one fully written in English.
– The second most common language for MK websites is English. 37% of websites (16) contain short English texts, mostly abridged biographies, posts
or select articles alongside online fundraising options and feedback forms.
Only 19% of the websites containing short English texts had a completely
parallel English site.
– Seven websites (16%) contained short Russian texts, mostly abridged biographies and mailing list subscription options. Only two of those (28% of all
websites containing Russian text) link to comprehensive Russian language
content (Benjamin Netanyahu and Tzipi Livni, who were seeking the Russian
vote).
– Arab language findings are similar to Russian ones; seven websites (16%)
contain short biographies and contact forms in Arabic. A mere two (28% of all
websites containing Arabic texts) are completely bilingual (HaAvoda’s Nadia
Hilou’s, and Hadash’s Dov Khenin’s). There were no solely-Arabic websites.
– French is present in only one of the 43 websites surveyed (2%). Here, too, it
is merely a short welcoming text on the home page, and registration to the
site’s mailing list.
– Amharic is not represented in any of the surveyed sites. Ethiopian Jewery’s
population in Israel sums up to more than 125,000 people.
– Most Knesset members operate monolingual websites (60%; 25 MKs); another
21% include two languages (17% – Hebrew and English; 2% – Hebrew and
Russian; 2% – Hebrew and Arabic) and only 19% of them address their constituents in three or more languages.
From these findings one can conclude that, barring few select MKs, non-Hebrew
languages are not taken seriously, and their inclusion is done for appearance’s
sake; MKs only provide their biographies and select media coverage in Arabic,
English and Russian, and do not offer other content even remotely similar in
extent to that available in Hebrew.
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5.5 Interactive Features
Interactivity is quintessentially a communication concept (Rafaeli 1988: p. 113);
one way to empirically test it is the functional approach. This approach is based
on the perception of interactivity as the ratio of user activity to system activity
(Paisley 1983). At one extreme, users are inactive, while at the other the users
are fully active and choose which steps to take. According to this approach, even
without two-way communication, choice itself boosts user experience and allows
him or her to affect the interactive experience. Moreover, choice enables the user
to make active decisions and not be a passive recipient (Kenney et al. 2000).
Interactive features are dynamic (unlike static website content) and require
the user to take an active role in the website experience, whether by clicking links
or the news feed (clicking an item on the news feed leads to an expanded content
item), answering surveys, using in-site search engines, downloading applications and files, joining mailing lists and RSS feeds, commenting, participating in
forum discussions, and corresponding by email. The interactivity index is based
on several of the technological medium’s interactive features: the greater their
number – the greater the interactivity level. Jennifer Stromer-Galley (StromerGalley 2000) examined the internet’s ability to combine interactive media
elements, which indeed empower users due to the choices they have to make,
though they have nothing to do with communicational interaction; she thus distinguishes between two types of interactivity (Stromer-Galley 2000):
Media Interaction – interaction with the medium itself; users can activate the
medium to provide them the desired information or execute various functions. The
medium itself provides user feedback (for example, a website link responds to a
user’s mouse-click, transferring said user to the desired page). Media interaction
has a low level of interactivity (Van Dijk 1999). Interactive features which enable
user-media interaction include links, polls, search engines, video and audio clips.
Generally speaking, MK websites tend to prefer media interaction to human
interaction features; human interactive features require personal attention that
adds to the MK and aides’ workload, unlike the automatic features which, save
for installation and maintenance provided by web administrators, do not require
MK or aide involvement.
Computer- or net-mediated Human Interaction – Two or more users interact
with each other via Internet channels, simultaneously or at different times, as
long as their messages refer and respond to one another. Computer-mediated
human interaction is highly interactive (Rogers 1986). Interactive features which
promote human interaction include forums, chats, comments and email. These
make websites and blogs powerful platforms for direct public interaction (twoway communication channels, enabling dialogue).
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5.5.1 Media Interaction
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The most common interactive feature is the news feed. Twenty-eight sites
(65%) include a news feed feature on their homepage, depicting the MK’s
actions, recent statements, etc.
Two other common features are videos and the in-site search engine which
allows users to retrieve website information. Close to half of the sites (49%)
include search engines and video clips. As previously mentioned, Tzipi Livni’s
electoral blog is mostly video-based. Podcasts (audio files) are included in
only six sites (14%).
Thirteen websites (30%) have mailing list or newsletter registration options.
Only eight (19%) have an RSS Feed option, a real time feature which notifies
users by email of any website updates.
Online polls (an application which also enables viewing poll’s vote distribution) are included in 12 sites, making up for 28%.
Surprisingly, only six sites (14%) utilize the online platform for fundraising,
providing an online fundraising system.
5.5.2 Human Interaction
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The most prevalent feature is publishing the MK’s email address. Thirty websites (70%) publish it, and 65% (28 sites) also provide online contact forms
which do not necessitate using an email account (on the user’s behalf). Note,
however, that publishing an email address does not account for the scope of
responsiveness.
Seventeen sites, 40% of those analyzed, provide the Israeli public’s favorite
feature – a comment section, more commonly referred to as talkbacks. This
allows users to state their opinions in regards to posts and information relayed
on the site. Comments are published in the proximity of the post (usually
underneath it). The comment feature enables users to interact anonymously
(unlike emails or online feedback forms) and respond directly to a specific
post. The number of comments and their content provide valuable indication
of the public opinion and the matter’s importance, enabling MKs to directly
respond and take an active part in the discussion, as fellow commenters. The
comments feature necessitates a supervision mechanism, in order to block
inappropriate content. In some of the analyzed sites, the comment section
was completely inactive, but it remains unclear whether this is due to the site
administrators banning comments, or due to public disinterest, or unawareness of the site.
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Sixty-five percent of the sites provide two out of the three interactive features
(email, online contact form, comments) in varying combinations, and two
MKs (Michael Melchior and Yohanan Plesner, 4%) provide all three.
Other, less common human interaction features are chat (Zevulun Orlev),
user-generated posts (Michael Eitan, Benjamin Netanyahu), users’ video
clips (Tzipi Livni, Yuval Steinitz) and forums (Benjamin Netanyahu, Meir
Porush, Haim Ramon, Shalom Simhon).
5.6 Content Types
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CVs and political and (personal biographies) – career landmarks, political
and public roles.
Credo/manifesto – vision, matters on the agenda, op-ed pieces and position
papers.
Legislation – complete versions of passed legislation and follow-up; proposed bills and follow-up throughout the legislative process.
Ongoing parliamentary work – plenum speeches; questions presented to the
government and ministers; motion for the agenda, plenum debates; parliamentary committee deliberations and reports.
Press releases and references to MKs in the media, including radio and TV
interviews and journalistic articles.
Photo gallery with personal photos of the MK throughout the years; family
photos, Knesset photos and photos from political events attended.
Constituent relations – public events calendar; MK work breakdown; essential citizen information; relevant links; FAQ section, letters and public queries
with on-site MK response.
6 Main Faults Associated with Personal
Internet Use
Knesset members’ personal Internet arena has several main faults:
6.1 Accessibility
A personal site’s edge in strengthening electorate-elected relations and clarifying
and publicizing parliamentarian procedures is lost, since these sites are mostly
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Sharon Haleva-Amir
inaccessible, or hard to find. Locating MKs’ personal site or blog is no picnic.
Without prior knowledge or press mention, the average user will have a hard time
finding the site. A search engine will not necessarily help, either – there is no guarantee that the website address will appear on the first few pages in a search. Searching minister Yaakov Edri’s personal website address via Google did not generate the
desired outcome within the first 50 results, even though the domain name is www.
yaakovedri.org.il; a similar search for MK Alex Miller brought up a dormant blog as
the 33rd result, on the 4th page.80 The first 100 results did not bring up his personal
site, even though it has the rather simple domain name, www.alexmiller.info.81
Most MKs are unaware of the inaccessibility issue. The British Parliament site
lists all parliament members’ names in alphabetical order, followed by links to
their biographies, email and personal website.82 The Knesset website, too, has an
alphabetical list. Each MK has a personal page with information they themselves
provide, with a disclaimer at the bottom: “Knesset members’ personal information and photographs were provided either by the Knesset members or on their
behalf.” As of 1 April, 2009, only 13 MKs with active personal sites mention these
on their Knesset page.
Some Facebook-active Knesset members mention their site there, despite the
fact that this information is thus available only to those with Facebook accounts and
not to the general public. This lack of publicity results in very limited website traffic.
A September 2006 example: during a discussion on a politics TV show, Ruhama
Avraham mentioned in passing that her opinion on the matter being discussed was
well known, and was also referenced on her website. The public was finally aware of
the site’s existence, resulting in doubled site traffic for the day (Kadima News 2006).
Another anecdote deals with the Mofaz blog; Minister of Transportation Shaul
Mofaz launched his site, www.mofaz.co.il,83 in 2007, using a professional company
for a sum of 30,000 ILS. The site turned up 94th on Google’s search results, i.e., the
10th page. Calcalist correspondents Shaul Amsterdamski and Ido Kenan decided
to conduct an experiment and create an alternate website for Mofaz, nicknamed
Mofaz Blog, using the free blogging platform Wordpress (Calcalist editorial 2008).
The new site, http://shaul-mofaz.co.il84 was created and launched within 1 day. It
was equipped with add-ons allowing for Search Engine Optimization (SEO), automatically promoting the site on Google’s search results, as well as with automatic
80 http://www.tapuz.co.il/blog/net/userblog.aspx?FolderName=amiller.
81 Not available online since 2009.
82 General list of MPs and Lords, http://www.parliament.uk/mps-lords-and-offices/mps/. Personal page includes email as well as web and social media references – http://www.parliament.uk/
biographies/commons/edward-miliband/1510.
83 Not available online since 2009.
84 Not available online since 2009.
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article collection from Google News. The experiment was a success – without
publicity, and at a very minimal cost (6.5% of the original site’s cost), Mofaz blog
enjoyed great traffic and public interest, ranking among the first ten Google search
results (Amsterdamski and Kenan 2008). There’s no question that the original
site contained more features, as well as a members-only area, but the question
remains: does the difference between the two sites justify the cost difference (especially considering no effort was made to bring the site to the public’s attention)?
6.2 Site Maintenance and Updates
Lack of updates is a common phenomenon among MK websites. The internet is
a constantly changing, dynamic medium, and as such, frequent upkeep is an
integral part of website operation, requiring human and monetary resources.85
Former spokesman for Eli Aflalo and current Yalla Kadima administrator Tzvi
Tziki Avisar explained: “some MKs don’t understand the internet, but want to
be a part of the progress, and so they invest a set amount of money in a website
and think that’s the end of it. Website upkeep and update is much more than
that” (Shabbat 2005). Many sites are launched towards a campaign, after which
they are left untouched, never updated or changed. Although there are many
examples to choose from (Ehud Barak, Ami Ayalon, Shaul Mofaz, Avishai Braverman, Yohanan Plesner, to name a few), we shall examine the March 2008 Meretz
Primary Election candidates’ websites: Zehava Gal-On’s site86 was deserted until
January 2009 (when the domain expired); Ran Cohen’s site87 is still a monument
to his campaign for Meretz leadership, even though he quit politics; Haim Oron
Jumes’ site maintained its title, “Jumes for Meretz Lead,”88 though a new and
updated blog was added on January 2009.89
85 Over the course of time, traditional and digital journalism have given this a great deal of attention.
Among others: Banner 2004; Shabbat 2005; Korpel 2007; Lapin and Kenan 2007; Mor 2007.
86 MK Zehava Gal-On’s former website is viewable (in part) via the Internet archive, http://web.
archive.org/web/20080117134736/http:/www.zehavagalon.org.il.
87 Ran Cohen’s website, under the slogan “Meretz is People. MK Ran Cohen, a nominee for
Meretz’s chairman position.” http://www.rancohen.co.il. Not available online since 2009.
88 On the main page of http://www.jumes.org.il (no longer available online) under the slogan
“Welcome! We invite you to enter Jumes’s new blog,” one can choose the option “No Thanks,
Continue” and then reach Haim Oron’s official website – headed by the slogan “Jumes for Meretz
presidency: Meretz has a Future” http://www.jumes.org.il/index.php (no longer available online).
89 On the main page of http://www.jumes.org.il (no longer available online) under the slogan
“Welcome! We invite you to enter Jumes’s new blog,” one can choose the option “Yes, I want to
enter Jumes’s new blog” and then be redirected to the official blog on Meretz’s website, http://
blogs.newmeretz.org.il/jumes (no longer available online).
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“When creating a site aimed towards supporters […] it is important to keep
the content and message dynamic, and recommended to keep in touch with online
users” (Lasri 2008), says a political strategy expert. The website represents the
Knesset member in the virtual sphere, 24 h a day; when it comes to the internet,
lack of updates, typos and sloppy writing can do more harm than good, seeing
as they are constantly visible and widespread. Merely a day after launching her
Kadima primary elections site on June 2008, at the time Minister of Foreign Affairs
Tzipi Livni was greeted with an article harshly criticizing the site’s sloppiness:
“The site ‘Kadima Tzipi Livni’ was obviously rushed. There is a noticeable typo
[…] and the phrasing is not eloquent enough” (Verter 2008a). Blogger Ori Katzir
presented the public’s viewpoint quite adequately in a post directed towards webpresent MKs, exposing their sites’ weaknesses and dysfunctions: “There’s another
element […] I, for some reason, thought it was obvious […] update your blog. True,
you created it mostly for the campaigns, but I innocently thought that constituent
relations are something to be maintained over a 4-year term, not just during the
month or two prior to the date on which you crave their votes […] when your blog
is left unattended and is not updated, it looks like someone started a website, left it
halfway and hurried on to tell their friends. Not only is it disrespectful, it also goes
to show your lack of willingness to invest and persevere. Not exactly the qualities
you want to be associated with, I presume” (Katzir 2008).
6.3 Responsiveness
According to Section 27a of the Decision Regarding Knesset Members’ Salaries
(Payments and Grants) of 2001, Knesset members are entitled to a yearly budget
of 49,000 ILS (linked to the consumer price index), to cover expenses sustained
in maintaining constituent contact. Personal sites are one of the legal, legitimate
and practically expected ways for MKs to keep in touch with the public during
their term. Reality, however, paints a different picture. Most MKs do not respond to
emails, only post select comments on their blogs (some don’t post any user comments), and only respond to a handful of the questions presented via their sites.
According to a February 2005 Ynet survey, only 64 Knesset members responded
to public inquiries regarding their parliamentarian work. Most of the answers
were short, even laconic, and some were downright incorrect, whereas only a
select few were specific (Shani 2005). A second survey, conducted nearly 3 years
later on February 2007, came up with even punier results. This time only 36 MKs
responded to email inquiries (Shalev 2007). Similar attempts did not fare any
better, if not worse: out of a significant number of MKs, only seven responded in
one instance (Waxman 2006); only one (Michael Eitan) in another (Korpel 2007).
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Running a website and responding to users requires time, money, energy
and manpower. Knesset member Michael Eitan brought up the issue on several
occasions, wondering whether the amount of effort put into these sites is justified: “The amount of time and effort spent still outweighs the sites’ political benefits” (Korpel 2007). Nevertheless, Eitan said, understanding the medium and the
advantages of direct and personal communication carries great value to the internet-led dialogue, such which cannot be duplicated in other media channels.90
7 Conclusion and Future Trends
Mitigation of the Party Status and the rise of the personal sphere, growing public
disdain for politics, the Internet’s strengths as a political communication tool,
the inclination for direct dialogue with the public and the need for optimizing
legislation and parliamentary work – all these and more have led many MKs to
take part in the online experience of running a personal site. Surveying their utilization habits, however, leads to the following conclusion: Knesset members wish
to take advantage of the Internet’s many qualities, but are unwilling to put in
the necessary effort required to realize the web’s true interactive potential which
allows for direct, two-way communication between incumbents and electorate.
The Internet’s main strength is its interactivity, providing horizontal communication between people, and not just vertical information flow from incumbent
to the public. MKs sites can enable simple and accessible dialogue, but only if
MKs change their approach. Unless they understand the difference between the
internet and other media, advertise their sites in order to make them more publicly accessible, update them frequently, write in a more personal and less formal
manner and actively and dynamically utilize the vast human interaction possibilities the internet has to offer – most sites will remain merely digital bulletin
boards.
The future has many changes in store regarding the extent and manifestations of internet use among Knesset members. I believe MKs will proceed to the
second maturation phase. This future phase will see more competent and effective internet use by MKs and their aids, who will also be more susceptive to professional’s involvement in site administration. We will see more informed use of
only several channels simultaneously, according to the relevant target audience.
Websites will include user comment features, though two-way interaction will
90 See Michael Eitan’s post on this subject on The Marker Café as well as the readers’ comments
(Eitan 2009).
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Sharon Haleva-Amir
become less personal due to time constraints. User queries will be responded to
quickly and thoroughly, and will address broader issues and not specific cases.
Such a solution makes for a decent compromise between the need to listen to the
public and focusing on daily parliamentarian work.
These assumptions are based on the worldwide increase in personal parliamentarian website use on the one hand, and on the meager amount of websites which
include human interaction features which require constant attention on the other,91
as well as other parliamentarians’ considerations (cost-effect, time, budget, etc.).
In addition, Internet use is bound to become more common, according to
global trends. I predict two main factors will change the current state of affairs:
1. Generation change – most MKs perceive current Internet use as something
artificial and forced, driven by the need to partake in a rapidly rising social,
cultural and political phenomenon, and not by true understanding of the
medium and its significance over other channels. The past 15 years saw the
coming about of a generation that perceives the internet as an inherent,
inseparable part of its existence. Internet communication comes naturally
to them. Therefore, as the generation changes, and the younger generation
takes on the political arena and the Knesset, so will personal Internet use for
political purposes increase.
2. Electoral Reform – Israel has a proportional representation system, where
citizens vote for a party and not for an individual. Knesset members’ allegiance is first and foremost to their party members who vote for them in the
primary elections. Furthermore, accountability is not something commonly
associated with the leading ranks of public administration. Thus, incumbent accountability towards their electorate is low, and MK-public relations
are quite amorphous. An electoral reform, one which will include a sectorial and/or personal component, will bring about an increase in Internet use
for political purposes, and therefore improved utilization of it; both due to
the increased need for accountability, and the fact that constant and firm
bond with a specific electorate will become a necessity. Thus, in the USA,
all congress members operate websites;92 83% of British parliament members
(Williamson 2009); and the greater part of the Australian House of Representatives93 and of the German Bundestag.94
91 Thus, although most MPs in Britain and in Canada demonstrate an online presence, human
interaction feature integration is as low as only 8%. See Francoli 2008; Zittel 2008.
92 http://www.house.gov/representatives/.
93 http://www.aph.gov.au/Senators_and_Members/Guidelines_for_Contacting_Senators_and_
Members.
94 http://www.bundestag.de/bundestag/abgeordnete17/alphabet/index.html.
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MKs Usage of Personal Internet Tools, 2009
257
Author information: Sharon Haleva-Amir is a lecturer at the School of Governance
and Social Policy, Beit Berl Academic College; a PhD Candidate at the Faculty of
Law, University of Haifa and a research fellow at Haifa Center of Law & Technology (HCLT).
Acknowledgment: The author would like to thank Beit Berl College for their
generous grant; Niva Elkin-Koren, Sam Lehman-Wilzig and Azi Lev-On for their
thoughts and insights; Althea Katz for her editing assistance and Rotem Alter for
her translation.
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